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This article offers a new interpretation of the race riots in west London. It uses arrest data to map where the violence occurred and where the rioters lived. Few of the white people arrested lived alongside black people or competed with them for housing. The riots were not a straightforward response to privation. Rather, they were a reassertion of an implicitly but powerfully racialized conception of urban community in which street life was symbolically potent.
Over five nights at the end of summer , a decade after the beginning of large-scale migration from the Caribbean to Britain, young white men attacked black residents and attempted to drive them off the streets of West London. The riots took place in Ladbroke Grove and Notting Dale as well as Notting Hill proper, but the disturbances were quickly dubbed the Notting Hill riots. The area had a reputation for poverty and decay. Some men armed themselves with iron bars twisted off from the railings outside run-down buildings.
Those arrested by the Metropolitan Police, which already had a reputation for abuse of power in its dealings with black people, were, overwhelmingly, white male manual workers in their late teens or twenties. In cases committed for trial, there were three white defendants for every black one. As Kennetta Hammond Perry has argued, blaming the riots on poor young white men and their dysfunctional neighbourhood diverted attention from the possibility that racism might be widespread or indeed systemic in Britain.
Economic distress has been taken to explain other episodes of racist violence in twentieth-century Britain. The riots in Cardiff, Glasgow, and Liverpool targeting African seamen are one example. Racism figures in these accounts as a cultural resource that can be mobilized in conditions of hardship, rather than something for which white people fought for its own sake. The rioting in an impoverished part of another British city, Nottingham, shortly before the disturbances in London in , appears to fit this pattern.
